Inglés · Antiguo Cercano Oriente
Registros del pasado, 2.ª serie, Vol. IV
Parte 5
6. and Ummanigas, Tammaritu, Pa’e,
7. Ummanaldas, who after Teumman had exercised
8. royalty over Elam, with her great help
9. my hands took them, and to the chariot, 1
10. the car of my kingship I fastened them,
11. and in her mighty name in all countries I went to and fro,
12. and rival had I none. In those days the pavement of the house of Ishtar,
13. my lady, with squared stone well-hewn 2 its fabric
14. I made great for ever. Beltis,
15. may this pavement be accepted before thee!
16. On me, Assur-bani-pal, the worshipper of thy great godhead,
17. a life of long days, wholeness of heart bestow,
18. and going to and fro in E-barbar may my feet grow old!
III
The following is a translation of the inscription of Assur-natsir-pal referred to in II, note 2. It establishes the identification of Beltis with Ishtar of Nineveh, and also records the fact that "the temple of the library" (?) was originally built or founded by Samsi-Rimmon. Two inscriptions and two only of this ancient king appear to have been preserved;
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but in both he styles himself "builder of the house of Assur," which is perhaps the same temple as that which in later records, like the present, we find more particularly associated with Ishtar. The inscription is on a fragment of a votive dish of clay found at Kouyunjik, and now in the British Museum.
1. Assur-natsir-pal, vicar 1 of Bel, high-priest of Assur, son of Tukulti-Uras, vicar of Bel, high-priest of Assur, son of Rimmon-nirari, vicar of Bel, high-priest of Assur,
2. when E-barbar, the house of Ishtar of Nineveh, my lady, which Samsi-Rimmon, high-priest of Assur 2 the great one who went before me, had made,
3. fell into decay, from its foundations to its roof I restored (it), I completed (it), I strengthened (it) more than before, I repaired (it) … 3
4. An inscription I wrote in the midst … May some later monarch that which has fallen of it renew; the name written to its place [may he restore!] 4
Footnotes
91:1 The spirits of the under world opposed to Igigi, the spirits of the upper air.
91:2 In an inscription of Assur-natsir-pal on a small altar brought from Balawât by Mr. Rassam, and numbered 71 in the Nimrud Gallery of the British Museum, the same epithet is applied to Bel. Ana Beli … mu-na-ri-id khur-sâ-ni a-sib E-kid-mu-ri, etc.—"To Bel, … trampling the wooded mountains under foot, dwelling in E-kid-mu-ri," etc.
91:3 Or, as Mr. Pinches suggests, "without whom … the herd or tribe would not obey," taking sibdhu as a collective expressing literally "that which is driven together." Cf. Ex. xxiv. 4. שׁבטי ישׂראל "the tribes of Israel." Jensen translates: "ohne die … ein Strafgericht (?) nicht günstig ist." (!) E-sarra is the temple of heaven, opposed to E-kur, the temple of the earth.
92:1 Or, "who causes to attain the heart's desire of him," etc.
93:1 The text will be found in the second volume of W. A. I., plate 66, No. 2; but the arrangement of the present translation is different, being that of No. 64, as edited by S. A. Smith.
93:2 It is uncertain whether the name of this temple should be read E-barbar or E-masmas, and the meaning of the name is also obscure. However, in W. A. I., ii. 48, 26, barbar (or masmas) is explained by the Assyrian phrase kis-su sa mu-’sa-ri-e, which is interpreted to mean "library" (Sayce, Hibbert Lectures, p. 149), in which case E-barbar would be "the temple of the library." The original meaning of mu’sarû seems to have been "furrow"; cp. W. A. I., iv. 27, I: bi-i-nu sa ina mu-’sa-ri-e me-e lâ is-tu-u ("seed which in the furrows drinks not water"). Hence, through the idea of what is traced or indented, it comes to mean an inscribed character, an inscription. The temple in question is the temple of Ishtar at Nineveh, which was also restored by Assur-natsir-pal. See W. A. I., iii. 3, 40.
94:1 The words translated "chariot" (itsi sa sa-da-di) mean literally "the wood of drawing," or "the draught-wood."
94:2 iski, translated "well-hewn," I take as an adjective, and connect with the root שּׂכה, of which "primaria potestas fortasse est in secando." The meaning "strong" has also been suggested; in any case it is difficult to see how it can be made (as by S. A. Smith) into a preterite of the first person.
95:1 I venture, on an obvious model, to introduce the phrase, "vicar of Bel," as more expressive than such terms as "viceroy," of the combination of functions in a ruler who was not only a king but also a pope.
95:2 The son of Isme-Dagon, cir. B.C. 1820.
95:3 At the end of line 3 I restore u-sa-tir; cp. Tiglath-Pileser, viii. 49, a-na as-ri-su-nu u-tir.
95:4 I restore lu-tir; cp. W. A. I., iii. 3, 23, ana as-ri-su lu-tir.
BABYLONIAN CONTRACT-TABLETS WITH HISTORICAL REFERENCES
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BABYLONIAN CONTRACT-TABLETS WITH HISTORICAL REFERENCES
By Theo. G. Pinches
As it is naturally rare to find contract-tablets with historical references, and as, when such are found, they possess contemporaneous authority on account of their referring to events acknowledged to have taken place, or conditions known to exist, either at or shortly before the date of the document recording them, it is manifest that such documents must be of special interest and unimpeachable trustworthiness. For this reason it has been thought well to collect here a few of the more noteworthy of these important texts—texts which have an additional value in that they do not refer to events touched upon in any known history, though it is possible that references to some of them may be found hereafter.
I.—Rêmut Lends Money to his Needy Neighbours during a Time of Dearth
[figure]
This inscription, the writing of which is above the average, is divided into four sections. The first gives the text of the transaction; the second the names of
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the witnesses; the third the name of the scribe, the place, and the date; and the fourth the record of the famine. It is a remarkable text, and possesses a value beyond the mere record, for it shows how great the need of the people must have been. The tablet is numbered 81-11-3, 71.
TRANSLATION
5/6 of a mana of silver from Rêmut, son of …, unto Musêzib-Marduk, and Kullâ, his wife, for necessities. In the day when the face of the land sprouts (again), the money, 5/6 of a mana, in its full amount, Musêzib-Marduk and Kullâ shall repay to Rêmut.
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Witnesses: Ablâ, son of Arad-bît-Nergal; Sapik-zēri, son of Musêzib-Marduk; Bêl-upakhkhir, son of Tullubu; Ugara, son of Sippê; Nabû-sum-utsur, son of the potter;
________________________
and the scribe, Marduk-êdhir. Babylon, month Tebet, day 9th, year 19th, Samas-sum-ukîn king of Babylon.
________________________
At this time, in the city of Lamîma, want and famine [are] in the land. The people are dying for want of food. 1
This interesting text is a good proof of the unsettled state of Babylonia at the time it was written.
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[paragraph continues] It was in the year 648 B.C. Samas-sum-ukîn or Saosduchinos had been on the throne of Babylonia, under the suzerainty of his brother, Assur-banî-apli, for 19 years, and the end of his rule, and his own tragic death, were nearing. The Assyrian army, sent by his brother, was probably at that time overrunning the land, and destroying everything wherever they passed. Hence were the people overtaken by want and misery, such as often happened to them in those days. If we want to know how the Babylonians behaved towards each other during this trying time, the tablet here translated depicts it to us clearly, and it is a picture worthy of consideration. Rêmut, a man probably richer and more fortunate than his neighbours, lends a sum of money which was hardly to be considered small (5/6ths of a mana = 50 shekels) to Musêzib-Marduk and Kullâ, his wife, without interest (for none is mentioned). This money is lent, not for a week or a month, but until the land brings forth again, 1 whenever that might be. All honour to Rêmut. It is to be hoped that he and his friends passed happily through this trying time when there was "want and famine in the land, and the people were dying for want of food"; and well has Marduk-êdhir, the scribe, done in recording the fact.
The name of the city mentioned in the last paragraph (Lamîma) is doubtful. The last syllable may be ra, in which case we must read Lamîra. There
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is yet a third possibility, namely, that the characters are quite correctly read, but that the final ma is the well-known enclitic particle. If this be the case, we must read "At this time, in the city of Lamî also, there is want and famine in the land." After the word makalê there is a small piece of the tablet broken away, but this seems to have contained no word of importance, if, indeed, it was inscribed at all.
II.—A Testimony to Babylonian Overlordship in Tyre
THE GOVERNOR OF KADESH MAKES A PLEDGE WITH REGARD TO SOME CATTLE
This little text, which is an ordinary contract-tablet of unbaked clay, is important not only as giving the date of the Babylonian dominion so far from Babylonia, but also for the names, some of which are clearly Phoenician. The text is slightly damaged, but the wanting characters can, in every case, be restored with perfect certainty. The number is 81–4–28, 88.
TRANSLATION
On the 15th day of the month Iyyar, Milki-idiri, Governor of Kidis, will get three cows and their young, and will give them to Ablâ, son of Nadin-âkhi, descendant of the priest of the Sungod. If he cannot get (them), Milki-idiri will give to Ablâ, son of Nadin-âkhi, son of the priest of the Sungod, 5 mana of silver.
Witnessing: Bunduti, son of Nabû-ukîn, descendant of Nabutu; Musêzib-Marduk, son of Ablâ, descendant of the
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fisherman (?); Marduk-sakin-sumi, son of Marduk-êdhir, descendant of Êdheru; and the scribe, Pir’u, son of Sulâ. Tyre, month Tammuz, day 22d, year 40th, Nebuchadnezzar, King of Babylon. 1
The cause of Milki-idiri taking the obligation here recorded upon himself it is unfortunately impossible to determine. Judging, however, from the fact that it is cattle that are given, and that only in event of inability to get the animals money was to be substituted, it may be inferred that he entered into the obligation by way of compensating Ablâ for a loss for which he was in some way responsible. The contract gave Milki-idiri nearly ten months in which to discharge the obligation (22d of Tammuz, or June-July, to the 15th of Iyyar, or April-May).
Special interest centres in the name of the principal contracting party, Milki-idiri, Governor of Kidis. His name forms an analogy with that of Ben-Hadad, whose full name was Ben-Hadad-hidri, the meaning of which, as I have elsewhere remarked, 2 was probably "The Son of Hadad (is) my glory." 3 The
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most likely meaning of Milki-idiri (= Melech-heder(i) or Melek-hidri) is therefore "Molech (is) my glory." As for the name of the place of which he was governor, Kidis 1 (which was probably pronounced Kedes or Kedesh), this is undoubtedly Kedesh (Kadesh), on the lake of Homs, a site of considerable interest, in that it was the scene of a conflict between Ramses II and the Kheta or Hittites, and is supposed to be mentioned in 2 Samuel xxiv. 6, under the name of Takhtim Khodshi, in the neighbourhood of Tyre and Sidon. 2
All the other personal names in this text are Babylonian, though it is possible that at least some of the people who bore them were not Babylonians.
About the beginning of July, therefore, in the year 564 B.C., Melek-hidri, Governor of Kadesh, visited Tyre for the purpose of attending to his affairs.
III.—Neriglissar gives his Daughter Gigitum in Marriage to Nabû-sum-ukin, Priest of Nebo, and Director of E-zida.
This tablet is one of the class of wedding-contracts, and is unfortunately only a fragment. Such as it is,
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however, it is a welcome addition to our knowledge, and it is greatly to be hoped that a duplicate, completing the text, will some day be found. The Museum number is 81–11–3, 222.
TRANSLATION
Nabû-sum-ukîn, priest of Nebo, director of E-zida, son of Siriktum-Marduk, descendant of Isdē-îlāni-danan, said to Neriglissar, king of Babylon: "Give Gigîtum, thy virgin daughter, to wifehood, and let her be a wife." Neriglissar [said] to Nabû-sum-ukîn, priest of Nebo, director of E-zida
…
About twenty-eight lines are wanting here, the text becoming again legible at the end of the list of witnesses on the reverse:—
… son of Nabû-sum-lîsir . …
… ri, son of Nabu-sarra-utsur, the judge (??)
Nabû-sum-utsur, the scribe, son of Assur …
Babylon, month Nisan, day 1st, year 1st,
[Neriglis]sar king of Babylon. Copy of E-zida. 1
Although this tablet is not by any means perfect, and the text does not, in its present state, communicate to us the conclusion of the matter, it may nevertheless
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be regarded as tolerably certain that Neriglissar did give his daughter Gigîtum in marriage to Nabû-sum-ukîn; for, had it been otherwise, there would have been no need for this document, the importance attached to which may be gathered from the fact that more than one copy was made, the text preserved in the British Museum being that belonging to the temple (E-zida, the Birs-Nimroud) of which Nabû-sum-ukîn was high-priest and director.
As will be seen from the translation, Nabû-sum-ukîn does not use any pronoun when making his request known to Neriglissar. He merely says,
"Give Gigîtum, thy virgin daughter, to wifehood, and let her be a wife," or "the wife." An examination of texts of a similar class shows that this was the customary formula. The word for "wife" is written with the usual ideogram, and is unaccompanied by any pronoun. A similar text in the Liverpool Museum, however, spells the word out, and gives the same form, assati, as is transcribed in the present article. It is possible, therefore, that this terminal -i was always understood and read as the possessive pronoun of the first person, even when not written. Other examples of this grammatical usage exist.
The remainder of the tablet was probably taken up with the usual conditions—the penalty on Nabû-sum-ukîn if he should divorce or abandon his wife; the penalty on Gigîtum if she should disown or forsake her husband; directions with regard to the
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amount and disposal of her dowry, etc. It is here to be noted that Herodotus was probably wrongly informed with regard to the compulsory nature of the public prostitution of unmarried women practised in ancient Babylonia, for the expressions found in these tablets point, sometimes, as in the present case, to a belief, on the part of the bridegroom, in the chastity of the woman chosen by him to be his wife.
Doubtless the priesthood of Babylon were highly elated that one of their number had allied himself by marriage with the royal family of Babylon, for this must have added greatly to their prestige and influence at the time. The date is March-April, the Babylonian New-Year's Day, 560 B.C.
IV.—The Medes and Persians in Bactria.
SAN-ABÛ-DUPPU SELLS HIS BACTRIAN SLAVE-GIRL.
This text, which is rather mutilated, is an ordinary sale-tablet. Its importance, however, will be easily seen, for it is seldom that records of battles and warlike expeditions are to be found on contract-tablets. It is therefore one of the most interesting tablets of its class, and even the names of the witnesses possess a special value. The tablet is composed of three fragments, which were found by me to join some years ago. The number is 82–9–18, 4215 + 4226.
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TRANSLATION
Sa-Nabû-duppu, son of Nabû-sarra-utsur, with cheerfulness of heart, has sold Nanâ-silim, his Bactrian slave, from the 5th battle of the sipiri against dursu, whose right side and hand are inscribed with the name of Dhîbtâ, daughter of Sin-êdhir, for [… mana … shekels of silver], which is by the 1 shekel piece, coined, not standard, for the price complete, to Issar-Taribi, son of Mur-êpus. [N.], son of Sa-Nabû-duppu, takes the responsibility [of defeasor, claimant], royal-handmaidship, (or) born-daughtership, which (may be) upon Nanâ-silim. [The money, … mana … shekels of silver], which is by the 1 shekel piece, coined, not standard, [the price of the slave], Sa-Nabû-duppu, son of Nabû-sarra-utsur, has received [from the hands of] Issar-taribi, son of Mur-êpus.
Witnessing: Tsillâ, son of Akhume- ….; … son of Gamaryāwa (Gamariah); Sa-pi- [Bel? son of] …; Barikîa (Berechiah), son of …; … son of Quddâ; Samas-îriba, [son of] …; Ilāni-bakhâdi, son of…; and the scribe, Marduka, son of Epes-îli. Sippar, month Iyyar, 18th day, 10th year, Darîawush (Darius), king of Babylon and countries.
At the sitting of Dhîbtâ, daughter of Sin-êdhir, wife of Man- … -Samas. 1
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One of the important points concerning this text is that, by the tenth year of Darius, five battles had been fought with a Bactrian tribe; and it is not unlikely that Sa-Nabû-duppu acquired Nanâ-silim (the unfortunate woman had received a Babylonian name, in accordance with the custom of the time) from the daughter of the man who captured her, namely, Sin-êdhir. The remainder of the contract proper is of the usual kind, and refers, like many others, to the taking of a duty or responsibility by one of the contracting parties (in this case the son of the seller), to guarantee the buyer against any claim hereafter on the part of the seller, his kinsfolk, or the king.
In my first rendering I read the name of the slave as Nanā-khusi; and Khupiri (which I regarded as the name of a Bactrian tribe) instead of sipiri. Noting, however, that the khu in Akhume (see the list of witnesses) was differently formed, it now seems to me better to read these words as Nanā-silim and sipiri, which readings I have adopted here. The sipiri was a Babylonian official attached to the household of the king and princes of the blood. From our text it would seem that this official also conducted military expeditions, at least in Persian times. What is the meaning of the word dursu, against which the sipiri seems to have gone, is uncertain. There is no determinative prefix or suffix indicating that it is the name either of a person, a place, or a river, though something of the kind might be expected.
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Another point of interest is the names. Issar-taribi, the buyer, a well-known tradesman of the time when the tablet was drawn up, 1 bears one of the most interesting. About the first element, Issar, there is some uncertainty, as it sometimes appears as Istar. 2 This name apparently means "The goddess Issar (Istar) has made increase." His father's name, Mur-êpus, means "the windgod has made" or "created," Mur 3 being one of the names of the windgod Rammānu or Addu (Rimmon or Hadad). To many, however, the two witnesses, Gamar-yāwa (Gamar-Jahwa, "Jehovah has perfected" = Gamariah), and Barikîa ("Jah has blessed" = Berechiah), both being probably—indeed, almost certainly,—Jews, will be of even greater interest. Though Jewish names are not uncommon on tablets of this class, it is to be noted that Jews settled at Babylon had no objection to taking Babylonian names, such as were given to Daniel and his companions. The name of the scribe (though he is seemingly a Babylonian, and the name is a common one) is not without interest, for Marduka is apparently for Mardukâa, "the Merodachite" (worshipper of Merodach), the same as Mordecai, the name of a well-known Israelite frequently mentioned in the book of Esther. It must not be supposed, however, in the case of Mordecai,
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that he was in any way favouring heathenism in accepting such a name as this, for at that time, the word Marduk (Merodach) often meant simply "god." A tablet I have recently copied, in mentioning the various gods, explains them all as Marduk or Merodach; thus Nergal is "Marduk of battle" (qablu), Zagaga is "Marduk of battle" (takhazi), Bel is "Marduk of lordship and dominion (?)," Sin is "Marduk the illuminator of the night," etc. etc.; and it is manifest that the word "god" may be substituted for Marduk with a very acceptable improvement in the sense. This use of Marduk in the sense of îlu is probably late.
It has been thought best, in the translation, for the sake of clearness, to place the reference to the locality where the transaction was made at the end. In the original (as will be seen from the transcription), it comes between the list of witnesses and the name of the scribe.
All the above texts were excavated by Mr. Hormuzd Rassam, in 1881 and 1882 at Babylon and Sippara, the latter supposed to be the Sepharvaim of the Bible.
Footnotes
97:1 The following is a transcription of the text:—
Parap mana kaspi sa Rêmut mâr … ina êli Musêzib-Marduk, u Kul[lâ], assati-su, ana khubuttu. Ina ûme pan mâti ittaptû, kaspā, parap mana, ina qaqqadi-su, Musêzib-Marduk u Kullâ ana Rêmut inamdinnu.
________________________
Mukinnu: Ablā, mâr Arad-bît-Nergal; Sapik-zēri mâr Musêzib-Marduk; Bel-upakhkhir mâr Tullubu; Ugarâ mâr Sippē; Nabû-sum-utsur mar pakhari.
________________________
U rittu, Marduk-êdhir. Bâbîli, arakh Dhebeti, umu tisû, sattu tisû-êsrit, Samas-sum-ukîn sar Bâbîli.
________________________
Ina ume su ina al Lamîma (?) sunqu u dannatu ina mâti [ibassî]. Nêsi ina la makalê imuttu.
98:1 Such is evidently the meaning of the words "In the day when the face of the land sprouts" (ittaptû). Zēru taptû (82–3–23, 775) is apparently "sprouting seed."
100:1 Transcription of the Babylonian text:
[Ad]î ûmu khamisserit sa arakh Aari, salsit littê û mârē-sunu, Milki-idiri, bêl pîkhāti sa al Kidis, ibbakamma ana Ablâ, abli-su sa Nadin-âkhi, abil sangī Samas, inamdin. Kî la itabbakka, khamsit mana kaspi Milki-idiri ana Ablâ, abli-su sa Nadin-âkhi, abil sangī Samas, inamdin.
Mukinnu: Bunduti, abli-su sa Nabû-ukîn, abil Nabutu; Musêzib-Marduk, abli-su sa Ablâ, abil ba’iri; Marduk-sakin-sumi, abli-su sa Marduk-êdhir, abil Êdheru; u rittu, Pir’u, abli-su sa Sulâ. Al Tsurru, ârakh Du’uzi, ûmu êsrâ-sanê, sattu irbaa, Nabû-kudurri-utsur, sar Bâbîli.
The word "three" (salsit, line 2) is doubtful.
100:2 Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology for February 1883, pp. 71–74.
100:3 See Gesenius's Hebrew Dictionary (Bagster and Sons), under הֶדֶר The Assyrian form of the name Ben-hadad is Addu-idri (-’idri), for Bin-Addu-’idri (Ben-Hadad-heder(i) or -hidri). It is difficult to say whether p. 101 the Greek form Ader arises from a simple (and easy) interchange of the letters d and r, or from the fact that the last element of the name was heder (or hidri).
101:1 As I have elsewhere pointed out, Qoph changes into Kaph in Assyrian before e and i, hence Kidis (Kedes) for Qidis (Qedes).
101:2 See the Rev. H. G. Tomkins's paper in the Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archæology, vol. vii. p. 394.
102:1 The transcription is as follows:—
Nabû-sum-utkîn, tu-mal Nabû, satam E-zida, abli-su sa Siriktum-Marduk, abil Isdē-îlāni-danan, ana Nergal-sarra-utsur, sar Bâbîli iqbî: Gigîtum, mârāt-ka batultum, ana assutu binamma lû assati sî. Nergal-sarra-utsur, sar Bâbîli, ana Nabû-sum-ukîn, tu-mal Nabû, satam E-zida [iqbî?]:
…
… mâru sa Nabû-sum-lîsir …; …-ri mâru sa Nabû-sarra-utsur, [daanu].
Nabû-sum-utsur, dupsarru, abil Assur … Bâbîli, arakh Nisannu, ûmu estin, sattu estin, [Nergal-sarra-]utsur, sar Bâbîli. Gabri E-zida.
105:1 The following is a transcription of the text:—
Sa-Nabû-duppu, abli-su sa Nabû-sarra-utsur, ina khud libbi-su Nanā-silim, gallat-su (âl) Bakhtaru’iti, sa khamilta mikhkhiltum sa sipiri ina mukhkhi dursu, sa imni-su u sitta-su ana sumu sa Dhîbtâ, mârat-su sa Sinêdhir sadhdhirta ana [… mana … siqli kaspi], sa ina estin siqli bitqa nukhutu, sa la ginnu ana sîmi gam[rutu, ana Is]sar-taribi, abli-su sa Murêpus, iddin. But [sikhi, pakirranu], âmat-sarrūtu, mâr[at-banūtu] sa ina mukhkhi Nanā-si[lim] … abli-su sa Sa-Nabû-duppu, nasi. [Kaspā, … mana . . siqli kaspi], sa ina estin siqli bitqa, nukhutu, sa la [ginnu, sîmi amelutti], Sa-Nabû-duppu, abli-su sa Nabû-sarra-utsur, ina qatā] Issar-taribi, abli-su sa Mur-[êpus], edhir.
Mukin: Tsillâ, abli-su sa Ahume- …; … abli-su sa Gamaryāma; Sa-pi-Bêl (?) …; Barikîa, abli-su sa …;…, abli-su sa Kuddâ; Samas-îriba [abli-su sa] …; Ilāni-bakhâdi’, abli-su-sa …
Ina asabi sa Dhîbtâ, mârat-su sa Sin-êdhir, assat Man- … -Samas. U rittu, Marduka, abil Epes-îli. Sippar, arakh Aari, ûmu [samasserit], sattu esrit, Darîawus, sar Bâbîli u mâtāti.
107:1 See the articles by Prof. E. and Dr. V. Revillout in the Babylonian and Oriental Record, vol. i. p. 102, ff.; and vol. ii. p. 57, ff.
107:2 I have a faint recollection of having seen the form Assur-taribi, but I could not find this form again when I looked for it afterwards to quote the reference.
107:3 Also Muru and Mermer.
THE DEDICATION OF THREE BABYLONIANS TO THE SERVICE OF THE SUN-GOD AT SIPPARA
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THE DEDICATION OF THREE BABYLONIANS TO THE SERVICE OF THE SUN-GOD AT SIPPARA
Translated by the Editor
The text of the following curious document has been published by Dr. Strassmaier in his Inschriften von Cambyses König von Babylon, Part I, No. 273 (Leipzig, 1890). It has unfortunately been injured in one or two places, though in each case the reading can be restored with more or less probability. The text describes the dedication of three young men by their mother, Ummu-dhabat, to the service of the Sun-god of Sippara, and thus offers an interesting parallel to the history of the dedication of Samuel by his mother Hannah (1 Sam. i.) Samuel, however, was "brought unto the house of the Lord in Shiloh" as soon as he had been weaned, whereas the Babylonian mother waited until her sons were grown up and had been "counted among the men," before she presented them to Samas the Sun-god.
They then became attached to "the house of the males" (bit zikari), of which we hear several times in the tablets published by Dr. Strassmaier.
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[paragraph continues] Thus we are told that on the 6th day of the month Iyyar, in the 5th year of Kambyses, a large quantity of dates were conveyed from the sutummu or "storehouse" of the king for the support of "the males" and their superintendant Takh-Gula, on account of their ministry in the temple during the preceding month of Nisan; while ten measures of dates were delivered to a certain Arduya for their use in the service of the goddess Anunit during the month of Iyyar. 1 So, again, on the 21st day of the month Ab in the same year, sixty measures of tribute (makka´su, Heb. meke´s, Numb. xxxi. 28) were registered as having been provided for them and their superintendent on account of the "daily sacrifice" during the month Elul. 2 It would therefore seem that a Babylonian temple had attached to it a sort of college of priests, who lived together apart from women, under a head or president, and who were called upon to perform certain religious functions in the services of the temple. It is possible that the priests, who are specially distinguished by the title of "males," were celibates. At all events they could be dedicated to the service of the gods by their mothers, just as Samuel was by Hannah.
The college or "house of the males" reminds us of the Roman collegia, as well as of the cells inhabited by the celibate monks who were attached to the Serapeum at Alexandria. It also reminds us of the
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account given in the book of Daniel of the education of Daniel and his three companions, though in their case it was a temporary isolation from female society and not a perpetual dedication to divine worship, and was, moreover, intended to fit them for the service of the king and not of the gods.
Footnotes
110:1 Strassmaier l.c. No. 274. The sutummu, over which an officer called the satam presided, is the Egyptian larit, for which see Records of the Past, new series, vol. iii. pp. 7 sq.
110:2 Strassmaier, No. 281.
THE DEDICATION OF THREE BABYLONIANS TO DIVINE SERVICE
[figure]
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THE DEDICATION OF THREE BABYLONIANS TO DIVINE SERVICE
The woman Ummu-dhabat, 1 the daughter of Nebo-bil-utsur, the wife of Samas-yuballidh, the son of Bel-Ê-Babara the priest of Samas, 2 who has brought a tablet to him, 3 and also Samas-edhir, Nidittuv, and Arad-Kin, 4 her sons [three in number 5], (and) who has spoken as follows to Bel-yuballidh, the priest of Sippara: 6 "They have not (yet) entered the House of the Males; with my sons I have lived; with my sons I have grown (old) since they were little, 7 until they have been counted among the men"; on the day when Ummu-dhabat [has said this], may she enter the House of the Males, according to 8 the writing of the document which (is) before Bel-yuballidh the priest of Sippara for Samas-edhir, Nidittuv, [and Arad-Kin]
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her [three] sons she gives to [the service of the Sun-] god. The witnesses are: Nebo-zira-yukin the son of Bel-[natsir] the son of Mukallim, Bel-natsir the son of Samas-yuballidh; Nebo-[musetiq-udda] the son of Tsillâ; Rimut the son of Musezib-Bel, the son of Babutu; [… the son] of Bel-yukin, the son of Rimmon-yumê: (dated) [Sippara 1] the 21st day of the month Nisan, the fifth year of Kambyses, king of Babylon, the king of the world.
Footnotes
112:1 The name signifies "The mother is good."
112:2 The Sun-god, the presiding deity of Sippara, where the great temple of E-Babara, or E-Parra, was dedicated to him.
112:3 Among a literary and business-like people like the Babylonians no act was valid unless embodied in writing, and drawn up according to the legal forms. Consequently a mere verbal declaration, as in the case of Hannah, was not sufficient; it had to be accompanied by the prescribed legal document with the names of the witnesses attached to it.
112:4 "The servant of Kin." The triad or trinity of deities worshipped at Sippara consisted of Samas, A (who, in the Semitic period, was regarded as the wife of the Sun-god), and Kin (perhaps the son of Samas and A). The reading of the last name is doubtful, and may be Khur.
112:5 The traces of the characters given by Dr. Strassmaier show that this must be the reading (sal-si anna).
112:6 Sippara, written Sippar in the cuneiform, the Sepharvaim or "two Sipparas" of the Old Testament (2 Kings xvii. 31, etc.), is now represented by the mounds of Abu Habba and Anbar (?). It consisted of two cities, one known as "Sippara of Samas," and the other as "Sippara of Anunit."
112:7 ’Sikhurrutû.
112:8 We must read akî instead of adî.
113:1 The characters are illegible here, but the fact that Ummu-dhabat appeared before the priest of Sippara shows that we must supply the name of that city.
THE GREAT INSCRIPTION OF ARGISTIS ON THE ROCK OF VAN
[figure]
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THE GREAT INSCRIPTION OF ARGISTIS ON THE ROCK OF VAN
Translated by the Editor
The following inscription is engraved in cuneiform characters, but in the Vannic language, on the face of the cliff on which stands the castle of Van in Armenia. It records the conquests of Argistis, the son and successor of Menuas, who widely extended the empire of Bianias or Van in the early part of the eighth century B.C., at a time when Assyria was in a state of weakness. The Vannic armies marched victoriously in all directions, and even threatened the frontiers of Assyria. As will be seen from the Assyrian Chronicle, of which a translation is given in the Records of the Past, new series, ii. p. 12 3, the reign of Shalmaneser III was mainly spent in war with Ararat or Armenia. His successor, Assur-dân, seems to be referred to by Argistis in this inscription (No. ii. 52).
The inscriptions of which the text is composed are cut below the site of the citadel built by Sarduris I, the founder of the Vannic monarchy (B.C. 840). They begin to the right of a small chamber excavated
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in the western face of the rock at the commencement of a flight of twenty steps. Above the steps arc the three first inscriptions (I, II, and III), which are divided from one another by vertical lines, and should properly be regarded as the three columns of one and the same inscription. Turning a corner at the end of the steps we reach the entrance into a series of five sepulchral chambers. To the left of the entrance are inscriptions IV, V, and VII, while above it is the mutilated inscription VI, and on the right inscription VIII.
The inscriptions were first copied by Prof. F. E. Schulz, and published in the Journal Asiatique, 3d series, ix. 52, in 1840. They were again copied by Sir A. H. Layard in 1850, whose variant readings were published by myself in 1882, and also by Dr. L. de Robert in 1876. The copies of the latter, however, are not trustworthy. Squeezes of the inscriptions have further been taken by M. Deyrolles, and are preserved in the Louvre, where they have been examined by M. Stanislas Guyard.
The inscriptions were first deciphered by myself in 1882, and translations published in my Memoir on "The Cuneiform inscriptions of Van" in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, xiv. 3, pp. 571–62 3. Corrections and improvements were subsequently made in the translations by M. Stanislas Guyard, Prof. D. H. Müller, and myself, and were embodied in a paper I contributed to the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, xx. 1, in 1888. The
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following version brings them up to the present level of our knowledge of the ancient language of Van. For a description of the latter reference may be made to the Records of the Past, new series, i. p. 163.
The great inscription of Argistis is the prototype of the similar historical inscription carved by Darius Hystaspis on the rock of Behistun, and may have suggested the latter to the Persian king. At all events the bilingual inscription of Xerxes, which is engraved on the south side of the cliff of Van, expressly states that it was his father Darius who had originally intended to have it made.
The inscriptions which follow arc numbered XXXVII, XXXVIII, XXXIX, XL, XLI, XLII, XLIII, and XLIV in my Memoir on the Vannic texts.
THE GREAT HISTORICAL INSCRIPTION OF ARGISTIS
[figure]
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THE GREAT HISTORICAL INSCRIPTION OF ARGISTIS
No. I 1
1. One says: This [is the record of the conquest] of countries
2. (and) cities [which has been made]. Argistis says:
3. By the command of Khaldis, 2 the lord, Teisbas 3 (and) Ardinis, 4
4. the company of the great (gods) of (my) people,
5. the same year I collected (my) chariots 5 (and) troops.
6. On approaching the king who is the son of Diaves 6 I overthrew the king the son of Diaves,
7. I conquered (him). The cities of the country of Seriazis I burned. The palaces I dug up. On departing
8. out of the city of Putis I removed the princes (?) of the countries of Bias (and) Khusas (and) the priests (?) of the land of Tarius. 7
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9. On approaching the people of Zabakhas I conquered the district of Zabakhas.
10. On departing out of the city of Uzinabitarnas, out of the country of ’Sirimutaras, a distant land,
11. the priests (?) of the city of Maqaltus in the land of Igas I removed. After taking away the lands that belong to the son of Erias,
12. on approaching the country of Abunis, I conquered the city of Ureyus, the royal city, together with the inhabitants (namely)
13. 19,255 children, 10,140 men alive, (and) 23,280 women;
14. in all, 52,675 persons 1 partly I slew, partly I took alive.
15. I carried off 1104 horses, 35,016 oxen, (and) 1,001,829 sheep.
16. Argistis says: This (is) the spoil of the cities 2 (which) I obtained for the people of Khaldis 3 in one year.
17. To the Khaldises I prayed, to the supreme powers who have given the country of the son of Abiliyanis 4
18. (and) the country of Ultuzais the relative of Qudhurzas 5 of the country of Anistir as a present to the race of Argistis.
19. To Khaldis, the giver, to the Khaldises, the supreme, the givers, the children of Khaldis the mighty,
20. I prayed, (even to the gods) of Argistis the son of Menuas; to the Khaldises I brought offerings.
21. Argistis says: I have conquered the districts of the country of Etius. On departing out of the country of E[tius],
22. out of the land of Uduris 6 the Etiuian, men and women I carried off. Argi[stis] says:
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23. By the command of Khaldis the lord, Teisbas (and) Ardinis, the company of the great (gods) of the people,
24. the same year, 1 on approaching the country of Umeku (?) …
25. I conquered the countries of Uryas (and) Dhairtsu[s]; I conquered Muruba …
26. I made (his city) a heap of stones. 2 His spoil for a booty I took. Men (and) women [I carried off].
27. I conquered the city of Ubaru-gildus, the royal [city of Muruba …]
28. After [departing] out of the country of Ku(?) … Rupiras (and) out of the country of Tarra …
29. on [approaching] the city of Id … ku … aus the stones and [spoil I took away];
30. the men and women [I carried off].
31. I conquered the country of Irki …
32. After departing [out of] …
33. on approaching the country of Artamu …
34. the slaves [I] seized 3 …
35. the cities …
36. [On] departing [out of] …
37. out of …
38. 3 … children,
39. 10,000 … women,
40. in all, 20,279 men of the year,
41. partly I slew,
42. partly alive
43. I took.
No. II 4
1. [I carried away] 128(0) [horses, …] oxen
2. (and) 3,200,6(00) [sheep. Argistis says:]
3. This [is the spoil of the cities 5 which I obtained] for the people of Khaldis,
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4. which belongs to Argistis … the city.
5. To the Khaldises [I] prayed, [to the powers supreme, who have given] the land of the Hittites, 1
6. who have given [the kingdom] of Khite-ruadas [as a present] to the race of Argistis.
7. To Khaldis, the giver, to the Khaldises [the supreme, the givers, to the children of Khaldis the] mighty,
8. Argistis the son of Menuas says: By [the command of Khaldis] the lord,
9. Teisbas (and) Ardinis, the gods [of the country of] Biainas, 2
10. [the company of the] great (gods) of the people, the gods have prospered 3 me.
11. Argistis the son of [Menuas] says:
12. I have brought offerings to the Khaldises. … On approaching the land of the Hittites
13. I conquered the country of Niriba 4; I overthrew the land of … Urmas; all the plunder of it
14. for a spoil I took. The city of … Adas, the royal city, I captured
15. for the children of Khaldis, the mighty ones. On approaching the country of the Hittites
16. the priests (?) of the land of the son of Tualas (and) the princes (?) of the city of Malidhâ 5 I removed.
17. On departing out of the city of Pilas [I changed its] name. [I crossed?] the ford (?) of the river:
18. I deported the men (and) women of the countries of Marmuas (and) Qa. …
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19. The palaces I dug up, the cities I [burned]; 25[2]9 children,
20. 8[8]98 men alive, (and) 10,847 women [I took];
21. in all [22,]274 men of the year, partly I slew, partly alive I took;
22. … horses, 17,942 oxen (and) 2 … sheep I [carried off],
23. [Argistis the son of] Me[nuas says]: This (is)
24. the spoil [of the cities] which I [obtained] for the people of Khaldis in one year.
25. [To the Khaldises I prayed, to the powers] supreme who have given the land of the Etiuians,
26. [who have given] the land [of Uduris] as a present to the race of Argistis;
2 7. [to Khaldis the giver, to the Khaldises the supreme], the givers,
28. [to the children of Khaldis the mighty I prayed, even to the gods of Argistis] the son of Menuas.
29. [To the Khaldises I brought offerings. Argistis says:]
30. …
31. … I carried off
32. [as well as sheep. Argistis the son of Menuas] says:
33 … the gracious [gods]
34. … all its [plunder]
35. [for a spoil I carried away.] … I destroyed them.
36. …I destroyed them.
37. … Argistis
38. [the son of Menuas] says: [By the command of Khaldis, the lord,] Teisbas (and) Ardinis,
39. the gods of Biainas, the company of the great (gods) [of the people],
40. the gods have prospered (me). The same [year on approaching] the people of Uburdas
41. I conquered the lands of the inhabitants of Uburdas the kingdom of Isluburas.
42. [The city] of Irduas, the royal city, I captured. The country of Uisusis I ravaged.
43. I deported the men and women that belonged to them. On approaching the people of Khakhias
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44. the palaces I dug up, the cities I burned. The city of Bi … khaunis
45. (and) the inhabitants I burned with fire; [8648] children, 2655 men, alive,
46. (and) 8497 women, [in all] 19,790 persons of the year
47. partly I slew, partly I took [alive]; 232 horses,
48. … 803 [oxen] (and) 1(?)1,626 sheep [I carried away].